Gender Bias and Peace Building in Nigeria

 

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

The intervention of the Nigerian government in the Ife-Modakeke crisis peace building process has not brought a lasting peace between the two communities over the years. Considering the vast evidence across literature review on women’s contribution in the realization of a lasting peace between two warring communities, the primary aim of the study is to determine the effect of involving women in the Ife-Modakeke peace building process. This study was set out to analyze the gender bias in peace building or associated with involving women in the Ife-Modakeke peace building process.

This study is delimited to the series of Ife – Modakeke crisis of Osun state Nigeria which occurred between the periods of 1835 to 2000 and the efforts made to achieve lasting peace building and put an end to the recurrent crisis between the two warring communities. The study used the survey design research method as the main methodological approach for this research project. The sample size of this study was two hundred and fourteen (214). The sample was drawn by simple random sampling technique to cover all the communities in both Ile-Ife and Modakeke community. The sample size of this study comprised of persons who are above the age of 30 years, and hail from Ile-Ife or Modakeke, all located in Osun State, Nigeria.  The survey questionnaire was used as the primary data collection instrument for this study. The survey questionnaires were randomly distributed by hand across the two communities of Ile-Ife and Modakeke. The data analysis section was structured based on the study’s research questions. The analysis of responses on each of the research questions were analyzed, both statistically and textually to enable the researcher to derive valid answers to the each of the research questions. A discussion of survey and interview findings derived from the analysis of results was further structured in accordance to the study’s research questions. A summary of findings and conclusion were further developed. Subsequently, recommendations for future research (scholars), recommendations for gender experts and recommendation for development workers were made.

From the findings of this research, it is obvious that the previous efforts made to put an end to the recurrent crisis between the Ife and Modakeke communities failed as a result of gender bias, power distance, and stakeholders’ poor understanding of how to strategically involve women in the design and development of peace building initiatives. This study also showed that involving women in the Ife-Modakeke pre-conflict peace building process can contribute in reducing direct violence confrontations between the two warring communities. This study has clearly shown that women’s ability to wage conflict non-violently by pursuing democracy and encouraging dialogue, has a potential to facilitate the realization of sustainable (lasting) peace between two warring communities. Based on the results, it can be concluded that gender bias in both Ife and Modakeke communities contributed to the non-involvement of women in the Ife-Modakeke peace building process. The public perception of women as a weaker sex, and as victims of war makes it difficult for women to be considered fit in participating in a peace building process. This misconception has been attributed as one of the most common reasons why most African nations do not involve their women in the development of peace building initiatives.

Further research on how to strategically involve women in the design and development of Ife-Modakeke peace building building initiatives, taking into consideration the effects of gender inequality and power distance is necessary. Clearly, further research will be required to ascertain the nature and suitability of programs needed to educate the members of Ife and Modakeke communities on the importance of involving women in peace building processes.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

ABSTRACT

Despite, having employed at least seventeen pand conflict resolution initiative with little role assigned to women. The Ife-Modakeke (IM) crisis is yet to be fully abated, rather the crisis as taken a phycological dimension – cold war- domained at the domestic frontier. It is a social time bomb waiting to explode. The objective of the research is therefore to investigate whether women are actually excluded or under-represented in IM peace building initiatives and the implication of such absence or under-representation. The study adopt a deductive relational content analysis embeded within a textual case analysis and historical design. Historical records, official documents, newpaper, news thread, internet documents academic and/or governments publications on the IM conflicts from 1836-2017 were analysis for thematic contents bothering on the objectives of the research. The study found that, although very few women are included in the IM Peace building initiative, their role is limited, ineffective and may be construed as ouright absence or exlcusion. As such the existing peaceful atmosphere is not sustianable since it exlcuded the major domesiticated actors. The implication of women under-representation or absence from IM peace building negotiating table suggest that;  sources of emergency assistance and developments in the post crisis period will be unavailble,  existing effort at taming the crisis connote a wastage of efforts and resources, dominance, arronagance and oppressive behaviour may still pervede the negotiating table, less consideration for women priority, lack of gender based early warning indicators,  there will be little opportunity for inter-ethnic collaboration etc.

Keywords; Gender bias, Crisis, Peace Building Initiative, Peaceful resolution, Gender Role, Women, Communities, Inter-Ethnicity, Protracted Crisis and Sustainability, gender bias and peace building

 

 

 

Chapter One

Introduction

1.1       Background to the Study

We all wish for  a situation of no wars and conflicts as well as a state of spiritual joy and peace of mind (Oduaran, 1996). Peace is desired by all human irrespective of colour, creed, race, gender, sex, ethnic identity, religious affiliation and suffrage. The same peace has continued to elude human race in face of war, violent crisis, uncontrollable provocation, “bitterness, rivalry, carnage, conspiracy, hatred and treacherous plot that have ravage  human existence” (Oduaran, 1996; Oyitso, 2013).Achieving lasting and sustainable peace have become a “mirage”, the more you see the less you understand. This is because conflict of interest has been at the bane of proliferation of alternative conception to peace. Conflict of interest cannot be avoided like a plague; it must surely occur as a catalyst needed for change – the radical Marxist proposition. 

As a consequence, the focussed of most peace initiative is on peace management through various peace building and peace making initiative.  The root cause of conflict had for long interest scholars in the field ofconflict resolution, feminism, peace and gender security studies.   In Nigeria protracted inter-communal or intra-state conflict such as the Jos north and Ife-Modakeke Crisis, are often associated with local power sharing, masculinity nature of dominance (economically and politically), religious intolerance, internal resources, greed, infringement of right to self-determination, ethnic and cultural identity and above all land ownership dispute(Elugbaju, 2016; Fatile & Awotokun, 2012; Oyeniyi, 2010).

Ife and Modakeke community are two important Yoruba sub-ethnic grouping belonging to Ile-Ife and Old Oyo sub-culture.  For over a century, peace has elude this communities giving the protracted and intractable nature of the conflict. The conflict has been adjudged one of the oldest communal conflict in Nigeria, giving that it has span over 164yrs i.e. 1836-2000 (Asiyanbola, 2010). Modakeke is located close to Ife, the Modakeke’s by historical account were initially a refugees migrating from the Old Oyo Empire towards other part of the Yoruba Land.  The primeval Oyo-Empire due to its inability to withstand hit from rampaging Islamist Jihadist in 1770 to 1837 lost its empire status and its inhabitant migrated towards other safer Yoruba settlement.Ile-Ife welcomes some of this migrant turned emigrant under the ruler-ship of a friendly Ooni Akinmoyero. (Atanda, 1983; Fatile & Awotokun, 2012). The landlord/Tenant imbroglio occur as result of an event that occur in Ibadan where an Ife born chief and war veteran MayeOkunade/Okunola was deposed for his illogical terror, irrational aggression and burst of anger towards the Oyo Inhabitants in Ibadan(Oyeniyi, 2010). The expulsion of Maye Okunade/Okunola and Ife soldiers, from Ibadanin 1835 by the Oyo refugees in association with an allied army of Oyo origin face resistance from Ife and Ijebu alliance.An allied army of Ife and Ijebu attempt to re-instate Maye Okunade but was repelled by an allied army of  Kurumi  of Ijaye  and the Oyo refugees (Elugbaju, 2018). During this struggle for control, Maye Okunade was killed by the refugees. The death of Maye Okunade and the flow of expelled Ife soldiers back to Ile-Ife led to Ill-treatment of Oyo refugees in Ife. Ife- Modakeke (IM) scholars are unanimous on the fact that,  the expulsion of Maye Okunade and Ife soldiers from Ibadanrepresent the casus belli of all other aggression and conflict within the two communities that follows in latter period(Elugbaju, 2018; Fatile & Awotokun, 2012; Oladoyin, 2001; Oyeniyi, 2010).

The cordial landlord-tenant’s relationship soon metamorphous into apathy and xenophobic attack from the aboriginal Ife against the Oyo refugees – now Modakeke’s- who fear that they are losing economic as well political control held over the latter. The conflict which initially started as a dominance based conflict, later change cause through history to a fight over land tribute collection, location of mosque, creation of local government and land dispute in line with changes or dynamism of the society. Scholars have also attributed the crisis to state insincerity and corruption practices(Oladoyin, 2001). Whatever reason has been provided for the protracted conflict between the warring parties with singular ethnicity i.e. Yoruba race and plural sub-ethnicity (e.g. Oyo sub-ethnic and Ife sub-ethnic).From 1835when the first incidents of the crisis occur, seven major criseshave been witnessed between1834-2000 accompanied by wanton destruction of valuable lives, critical state infrastructure, and personal properties  (Asiyanbola, 2007; Asiyanbola, 2009, 2010). Due to the stretched and intractable nature of IM crisis, at least seventeen (17) peace building initiatives or committees have been initiated or constituted e.g. Ooni Abewala 1836 peace initiative, Anglo Yoruba peace treaty of  1886and 1923;  Honourable Ibidapo Kayode Obe Judicial commission of enquiry in 1981, Commodore Olabode George led committee in 2000 and a third party USAID/OTI intervention chaired by Dr. Albert  in 1999/2000 to mention but a few(Oladoyin, 2001; Olayiwola & Okorie, 2010).Although relative peace has return to once embattled and crisis ridden Ife-Modakeke community i.e. no combat or physical confrontation, the scars of the protracted war is still feasible in the mind of the victim of the war who are majorly women and children. Healing is still at the infant stage while, crime,fears and cold war still exist in the mind of inhabitants, survivors and combatant of the war on both sides(Asiyanbola, 2009, 2010; Badiora & Abegunde, 2015).

IM scholars (Elugbaju, 2016; Olayiwola & Okorie, 2010) in other to find lasting solution to the crisis, have suggested integrated education and all-inclusive traditional institution involvement. This off-course will help to achieve a more holistic approach to the conflicts. The role of women as mothers saddled with the responsibility of nurturing, monitoring and educating their child in addition to education received through formal channels cannot be over emphasized.  African women are known to imbibe in their son/s, the gender role of “patience, tolerance, respect for elders, mutuality and cooperation” and other  moral qualities(Alao, 2008, p. 12). Throughout history of Africa Women in Sudan, Somalia and Democratic republic of Congo, Cameroun, Uganda have at one time or the other played  a significant role in forcing peaceful negotiation between two belligerent parties (Alao, 2008; Atim, 2016; Mutunga, 2012). In ancient history of Northern Nigeria, Queen Amina was known to have maintain peace within her kingdom.  In southern Nigeria and Ancient Ife Kingdom to be specific, Queen Moremi was reported to have sacrifice herself to be capture by the Igbo invaders just to unravel the secret of the oppressor and help bring peace to Ife Land(Obayemi, 1979, p. 166). She was also recorded to have sacrifice her son’s in yet another historical account just to maintain peace in Ife (Alao, 2008, p. 17).

Women are known to possess special negotiating skills at any peace negotiating table that ensure, their voice are heard. Women influence their husband decision to take part in war as in the case with the“Gulu district women of Uganda and the  Bougavalliem Women” (Garasu, 2006 op. cit Atim, 2016, pp. 50–51). In-fact, women share similar believe about war and violence irrespective of ethnic difference. They united across ethnic and cultural barrier as in the case with Somali and Sudan women movements(Kathmandu, 2010; Mutunga, 2012). Regrettably, women subtleness, skills, innovative dexterity, pacifying role have been underutilized in the current peace building effort ofIfe-Modakeke community. This owe largely to the patriarchal nature of Nigerian society(Atim, 2016, p. 42), the culture of the Yoruba people that does not allow for equating women to Men even though it does give some consensus to women(Oluyemi-Kusa, 2012) and the interplay of religion and culture that subjugate women under the control of Men(Atim, 2016; Dokun-Oyeshola, 2005).

Of all the over seventeen peace building initiative targeted at Ife-Modakeke community, women have played a rather restricted or minority role e.g. the religious intervention by Queen Mojisola Sijuade and lesser role plays by the Iyalode and Erelu as member Council of Oba’s does not portend an active participation. As rightly clarified byGaya-Best(2012b, p. 98) in traditional African Alternative Decision Resolution (ADR) decision making “women are kept out of African shrine… and participant are normally male adult condition on the sensitivity and peculiarities of the community”. The indigenous Yoruba community are sensitive to gender issues as such it is expected that women with traditional title may still be allowed (Oluyemi-Kusa, 2012, p. 210). Meanwhile, men are the dominant figure in every peace attempt giving their roles as both active actor and stakeholders in the conflict even though women and children constitute the larger proportion of the world population and are the most affected (Mutunga, 2012; Oluyemi-Kusa, 2012). It is therefore, the seemingly marginalization, exclusion and discrimination against women when it comes to the issue of participation in peace building process and the implication of their continuous absence on sustainable peace in Ife and Modakeke community that motivate the research.

1.2       Statement of the Problems                  

Since the inception of major Ife-Modakeke crisis in 1849, thousands of precious life whose value cannot be easily quantified have been lost. Personal chattels, property, critical state infrastructure worth millions of Naira have been utterly destroyed. The genesis or casus belli of the crisis has been based on dominance and oppression,  greed, infringement of right, indigene – non-indigene conflict, land dispute, power sharing, location of institution, political and economic dominance. Till date not less than seventeen (17)peace committee consisting of Ife and Modakeke chiefs, Royal committee, federal and state government representative, professional evangelist and notable politicians have been set up as a reaction to each phase of conflict. This committee have been set up either to de-escalate existing tension or inquired on the roots cause of the conflict and proffer sustainable solution. The committee have been able to achieve some level of relative peace for Ife-Modakeke environs, but as noted by, Asiyanbola(2009); Badiora and Omisore(2013);Badiora and Abegunde(2015), the crisis have taking a new dimension from physical combat to psychological warfare. cold-war, fear, animosity still rages waiting for any slight opportunity to escalate into full blow crisis. The warring parties still feels that various recommendations by constituted peace committees, asymmetrically favours particular aggrieved party at the detriments of other aggrieved parties(Oladoyin, 2001; Olayiwola & Okorie, 2010)

The Beijing declaration on Women Affirmative action, Women Anti-War coalition Declaration and the UNSC Resolution 1325 have provide an international or regional legal framework for women active participation in peace building and peaceful resolution (Shepherd, 2008). The resolutions and declaration provides legal framework that goes beyond justifying the involvement women in peace building initiative (pre and post conflict) on normative and prescriptive ground to ratifying women involvement in negotiation table and protest against war as a fundamental right.  Sadly, all the Peace building initiative by traditional institution, colonial officers, court of arbitration, the military and civilian administration in Nigeria from 1836-2000 onIfe-Modakeke crisis have exclude or underutilized women’s as a grassroots partner toward ensuring lasting and sustainable peace for Ife and Modakeke community(Asiyanbola, 2009, 2010; Ogbeide & Olatunji, 2014).

Existing research have done a lot to probe into the root cause of Ife-Modakeke, local communities’ perception as regards the aftermath of the conflict and the effect of the crisis on spatial and geographical realignment in addition to the outcome of the crisis. The implication of continuous exclusion of women from peace building initiative in Ife-Modakeke is yet to receive scholarly attention. By investigating what absence of women in peace building initiative portend for lasting and sustainable peace in Ife-Modakeke environs, the current research takes a leap forward to extend existing accumulated body of knowledge in radical feminism, peace  and security studies  to the case of inter-communal conflict in Ife and Modakeke.

1.3       Aims and Research objectives

The aim of the research is to investigate the implication of women absence in peace building effort between the Ife and Modakeke Community. To achieve these, the following specific objectives are pursued;

1.To review various Ife- Modakekepeace-building initiativesthat has been instituted to-date.

  1. To critique the extent of women participation in the existing peace building initiative between Ife’s and Modakeke Community.
  2. To assess progress level with respect to the existing peace building initiative between Ife and Modakeke community.
  3. To explained factors militating against women involvement in peace building initiative in Ife-Modakeke Crisis.
  4. To highlight implication of women absence in Ife- Modakeke Peace building Initiative.

1.4       Research Questions

  1. What is the peace building efforts made so far to bring about peace in Ife-Modakeke Community?
  2. To what extent is women participation in Ife and Modakeke peace building initiative?
  3. To what extent has the peace building initiative able to achieve the needed peace in Ife and Modakeke?
  4. What are the factors hindering women involvement in peace building between Ife and Modakeke community?
  5. What is the implication of women absence/involvements in in Ife-Modakeke peace building initiative?

 

Chapter Two

Literature Review on  Gender bias and peace bulding

2.2       Theoretical Framework

The existentialism theory (otherwise known as biological reductionism or determinism), constructivism theory and the structural equality theory serve as theoretical framework on which the research is predicated upon. These theories have been applied to understand the issue of intra and inter-state conflict and the pacifist’s role of women to bring about peace. Since absence of conflict connotes relative peace and internal peace is what manifests in international arena, these theories are useful feminist perspective that can aid in understanding the importance of women in intra- communal peace building such as the Ife-Modakeke crisis.

2.2.1    Existentialism Theory

The existentialism theory is rooted in radical feminism school of thought that was developed due to the dissatisfaction with justification of social authority based on equality principle for all1950 but was silent on the issues of power and wealth gender equality. As a sub dimension of feminist radical theory, the existentialism theory relied on the physiological and biological difference argument of radical feminism to argued for gender mainstreaming i.e. equality of both men and women in terms of how wealth are distributed and in power sharing. The existentialist theory moves beyond equality that is based complementary sex or gender role as defined by the societal norms as the basis for social role to physiological difference (Caprioli, 2000). The tenet of the argument is based on the physiological feminist nature of women which is emphasize the feminism sub-dimension of caring, nurturing and existence and rather than the stereotyped role that societal required from women. The theory argued that women have some qualities that is essential that are more different from men because of the pain they go through during child bearing and the mothering skill that is been taught to young girls until they become women i.e. motherhood perspective. Hence women are less in support of violence and use of force and that women will prefer peaceful approach than confrontation (Melander, 2005).   For a lasting peace, the theory argued for inclusion of women in peace negotiation table (internationally or locally) considering their calmness, caring characteristic and pacifism qualities endowed to them or innate to them by nature rather than the society demanded norms of what a woman should look or act like. Applying the central argument of the theory, Ife- Modakeke crisis could have been halted long ago even before it escalates if women were being allowed equal right by the patriarchy society in terms of the leadership position and representation in local peace building committees. It is believed that their representation in local leadership in a peace building initiative may assist in reducing the probability of violent confrontation. The limitation of the theory is based on the fact that ignoring societal demands and norms that confer a stereotype role of either masculinity or feminism may provide an incomplete picture(Regan & Paskeviciute, 2003).

2.2.2    Constructivism Theory

Constructivist theory on the other hand emanates from the liberal feminism theories in the 18th and 19th century. The idea behind the liberal feminism is the idea of equality of sexes and complementary role of gender in relationship with one another i.e. both male and female can be engineered to behave in way forced on them by the societal norms. . For example, a Female secretary of state e.g. Condoleza Rice or a female Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) chiefs is expected to act masculine irrespective of their sex. It emphasize the extent to which change in societal norms to a peaceful norms affect domestic peace and not violent. The source of constructivist theory may be traced to social learning theory in psychologyliterature that emphasize that violence is a function of long term training of individual that lead to aggressive behaviour and deficit in pro-social skills(Hudson, Caprioli, Ballif-Spanvill, McDermott, & Emmett, 2009, p. 22). The constructivist argued that rather than linking female reluctance to support use of force, violence and military conflict to the reproductive role and mothering skills that is innate by biological nature or difference that exist based female and male sexes dichotomy. The societal norms that is been enforced and learned at a particular point in time determined whether a woman will act peacefully or not i.e. gender difference in social roles is based on the alignment of both male and female to a pre-determined stereotype gender role (Caprioli, 2000). Men proclivities toward violence, dominance, oppression and the use of force to settle grievance rather than polities and alternative women aversion to conflict is based on the conceptualization of masculinity and feminism forced by the societal norms that individual are inclined to believe or identified with (Melander, 2005).

Caprioli and Boyer(2001) noted that male dominated environment tend to influence whether women will act in a feminist manner or in a masculine manner, especially at the state level where women are head of state, prime minister and head of security council.The theory predicts that a change to the stereotyped role of women that is been confer by the societal norms is necessary for changing the output of a peace initiative.  Stereotype gender role are socially constructed in response to development in the society, as such the stereotyped gender role can be change through education developments.

In way the theory argued against women representation in peace initiative as the only yardstick for bringing about lasting solution to a conflict. The theory rather advice that women representation in peace building and leadership position will only have a significant effect, if and when both the male and female are free from the stereotype role they are being tied and are given freedom to make decision at their own free-will. Education is one sources through which women can shake off the stereotype role imposed by the society. Hence the higher the education level attainment for women, the higher the probability of having a peaceful community. An application of the theory to Ife- Modakeke crisis means that formation of a community based peace movement by women is only possible if female child isbeing educated on their rights to protest against any violent action. A change of orientation by both communities on the expected societal norms with regards to masculinity and feminist role or gender relation – Expected behaviour, attitude of male in relation to female based on social and cultural re-construction – which allow for equal voice, for women and men. The theory argued that women involvement in political, economic, psychological and social activities is not a function equality of sex i.e. male and female or equal sexuality – sexual behaviour- but on dynamism and flexibility of stereotype and patriarchy nature of society. Since, gender relation and roles are learned, the level of education may aid in altering societal socially and culturally constructed norms that determined the quality and attribute of both male and female.   According to the theory the degree of girls or women education as a percentage of men’s education level suggest a form of equal or unequal gender relation or gender roles embedded with the masculinity and feminist dichotomy.

2.2.3    Structural Equality Theory

In addition to the constructivist theory tenet which emphasize that gender relation in terms of the expected socially, cultural qualities and attribute of male and female are learn rather than been physiological or biologically endowed. The theory is rooted in political psychology and social diffusion literature. The structural equality feminist theory relied on the idealism notion of transferability of domestic peaceful resolution norms  but differ in that rather than emphasizing peaceful societal norms  as a sin qua non for domestic peace through education of women.Degree of influence of societal normson violence determine the extent of  a state aggressive i.e. societal norm influence violence and not the transferability of peaceful resolution norm acting on domestic peace(Caprioli, 2003). The theory emphasize total focus on achievement of “freedom, and equality” and denounce “domination, use of force and hierarchy”(Caprioli, 2003; Hudson et al., 2009).  A societal norm that is based on domination, hierarchy, oppression and masculinity will often aggravate state violence. Hence the focus is on gender – socially and culturally constructed attribute and qualities associated with male and female that are more culturally determine than biological – inequality as the basis for domestic and communal conflict (Caprioli, 2003). The crux of the theory is that the structural hierarchy is linked to domestic norm of violence. The structural hierarchy is manifested or better conceptualize using the concept of structural violence (SV) that is pervasive and systematically make open exploitation superfluous and cultural violence (CV) that is open, endemic, varied but also diffuse from place to place.

SV explored the channel of; asymmetrical distribution of labour and benefit, consciousness control, fragmentation and oppression of the exploited to allow for prebendalism – privilege class of exploiters. The percentage of women in labour force and percentage of women employees or owner of business help to depict structural violence against women and may have account for gender inequality or women absence in peace building (Caprioli, 2000, 2003). Each channel correspond to what Hudson et al.(2009, p. 20) refer to as “paying women lesser than men for equal work- asymmetric distribution , normalizing domestic violence and superiority of men- consciousness control, constraining women with their duty for household shores to disallow network- fragmentation and assigning less power/wealth to women – oppression of the exploited”.

CV begat and validate structural violence which involve an open, localized violence against women on the basis of cultural norms rather than the structure. The violence against women is then allowed to be diffused across the society. Nigerian is a patriarchal society (Atim, 2016). As explained by Hudson et al.(2009), patriarchal form the “primary basis of cultural violence that provide natural wellspring for  social diffusion”(Hudson et al., 2009, p. 21). Example includes the control of women health as it relate to fertility level, right to reproductive choices.  A lower fertility level is expected to indicate better “health, high education, employment and decision making” (Caprioli, 2000, p. 57).

2.8       Barriers to Women Participation in Peace Building Process and Initiative

African Feminist scholars as well as their Western Counterpart have identified a number of obstacles that may hampers effective participation of women in peace building. Nonetheless they tend to agree on the issue of culture, religion and resource constraint (time and finance).For example, Dokun-Oyeshola(2005, p. 71)and Atim(2016, pp. 55–61) identified “culture and Religion interplay” and as an “independents barriers” to women participation in peace process. Oguonu(2012, pp. 344–345) on the hand amplified that barriers to women involvement in peace building includes; economic/financial constraint, inheritance norms or culture and tax law while Alao(2008, pp. 19–22) listed civilization effect, dynamics of the society, culture and additional burden created by violent conflicts. Cordell(2011) on the hand suggest that time constraint and variability in conflict experience perception as by men and women as a barrier to women participation in peace process while Hudson(2009)identified, peace building definition, Culture,  and public perception of women. In addition to the above barriers Meierding(2007) also noted that culture manifested in form of perception of masculinity and femininity by the society.

Interestingly, Culture standout as an indisputable factors inhibiting women participation peace building as nearly all scholars reviewed except Cordell agree on the importance of culture in whatever flavour it is been discussed. Religious argument tends to sprung up among African feminist writers probably due to Marxist notion of religion as exploitative while resource constraint argument is held by both African feminism writers and Western writers. The difference in conceptualization of barriers to women participation may be due to what Oluyemi-Kusa(2012, pp. 211–212),refers to as “African Feminism” embedded within cultural and political dynamism and “western feminism” arising out of individual Bourgeoisies and development in the UN convention on Women. Different in “dialectics existences” also inhibit western feminist ideology from been transferred line by line and contextually into African feminism(Oluyemi-Kusa, 2012, p. 212).Other distinct barriers are peace building conceptualization, perception variability among male and female on conflict experience, civilization effect, societal dynamics, violent induced burden, as well as tax laws.Due to difference in Dialectic of Existence between African feminism literature and western feminism literature. The discussion is restricted to culture, religion, resource constraint, civilization effect, societal dynamism, violent induced burden and tax/banking law (argument developed based on African feminism literature).

Religion (i.e. African traditional religion – ATR, Christianity and Islam) all supported or aid the culture argument of subordination of women to Men This is more visible in the interconnectivity between Islam and culture as a way of life(Atim, 2016; Dokun-Oyeshola, 2005). This conception is rooted in Marxist “stupefy” argument on religion. Marxist theorist argued that religion does not bring fulfilment and happiness to those who fantasized it. Rather religion makes fanatic to think absurdly. The influence of religion on worldview within which individual dissect issues affect their attitude and perception(Atim, 2016).  Religious barriers to women involvement in peace building is manifested in form advising women to be submissive, passivity, meekness, privacy and subordinate status in relation to men. Although all this are not bad in itself when this believe is applied to enslave women away from political involvement and participation in peace building.

Culture represents the communality of social and behaviour pattern, thought scheme and structure and affective understanding that are imposed on individual by the society through the process of socialization (Atim, 2016). The root of culture as a barrier is embedded within Marxist contradiction arguments about the society using the analogy of employer oppression of employee and men oppression of women. In Africa and Nigeria to be specific, culture does not allow women to be outspoken in public discussion involving men even when the men are wrong. Women are expected to be voiceless where culture is concerned. In recent time due to effect of civilization, globalization and economic downturn, the culture of individualism  or independence is rapidly eroding the culture of collectivism that African society are known for. There is a saying in Yoruba that Agbajowo lafin Gberu Dori – Heavy load become easier when we work together. This saying however been replace by a popular saying of Ja-fo-rie – fight for you. This development has made women to be less receptive to teach young one right morals and attitude that is required to be a better person(Alao, 2008, p. 21). Additionally, the culture of inheritance in a typical Africa or Yoruba society favours the male children and relatives at the expense of the women. In some instance, Oguonu(2012)opined that when the deceased does not left any will, traditional inheritance law that favour male children is called upon to settle issues of inheritance distribution.

Structural inequality with respect to how women are often subject to low paying jobs which affect their financial capacity is also an important issue. The patriarchal natures of Nigerian society also condemn women to the home in charge of taking care of the house and playing the motherly role (Oguonu, 2012). Making money has never been seen as an important venture for women. The tax laws in Nigeria allow men to claim all allowances while the banking law give room for men to seek for loan. When women attempt to do same, there are no allowances for women nor are there credit facilities without a letter of recommendation or referee from the husband (Oguonu, 2012). This and other factors affect the financial capability of women to finance and pursue the course in which she believes.

Dynamism in the society is another important factor that affects women participation in peace process. Alao(2008, p. 22) noted that degree of use of force, government suppressive approach to conflict that rarely give rooms for inclusive arrangements, proliferation of small arms are responsible for the low women participation peace building. This is because no one irrespective of the sex will want to belong/transverse a gathering/location that is hostile, terrorized and discriminate against them. As an appendage to the societal dynamics, extra burden that is often created during war period where women assume the role of the head of household in the absence of the husband at the war front, get involved in taking care of the wounded combatant, the elderly and secure the home against external intruders. In the mist of all this violent induce artificial burden, women tend to be less interested in any peace movements or participation(Alao, 2008).

Another barrier to women involvement as peace agent is civilization effect(Alao, 2008, p. 20).  In the age of civilization, economic challenges in both urban and rural area often result into a mother relinquishing their responsibilities at home in pursuit of economic activities. The time for serving as peace ambassador or nurturing their children to be good ambassador will rarely avail itself. As such there will be stumbling block on getting the women to participate in peace building process.

Chapter Three

Methodology

3.1       Introduction

As a precursor, this research aim at a qualitative methodology that contextualize the research, to be supported by historical design where appropriate (Maxwell, 2013; Patton, 2002).Qualitative research  is viewed as an analyzes of extant documents ( e.g. archive documents, books, texts, government publication and extensive literature review), verbal (interview) or visuals materials and uses text rather than quantitative numbers as empirical materials(Flick & Uwe, 2007).The chapter therefore delimit the research design, population and sample, sources and instrument of data collection, and method of data analysis (Sec. 3.2-Sec 3.6). The justification and rationale guiding the selection of particular source/methods of data collection or analysis (sec. 3.7) is clearly considered prior to discussing issues of validity and reliability of techniques of analysis chosen i.e. (Sec. 3.8).

3.2       Research Design

The current study adopts a textual case study design (Descriptive and Exploratory) and historical research design. This design has been adopted in social problems literature (Hughes, 2009) and since social relation and role underline peaceful resolution , it can be extended to inter-communal conflict such as the Ife and Modakeke Crisis. A single case design with multiple facet is utilized to explained and describe inter- communal conflict and peace effort from 1836-2000 as it related to the protracted Ife- Modakeke crisis. The case study design is important because it helps to illuminate the context and delineated the scope of the current studies as it applied to Ife- Modakeke Crisis. The case study is useful when the researcher can barely control the event and when questions of “how and why”is sort after (Yin, 2009).The “how” question involves peace building effort from 1847-2000 while the “why” question explained the relative peace and ongoing cold war in Ife-Modakeke community in Ife-Modakeke. Moreover the case study approach of relational, and qualitative analysis often inherently use data from various sources including survey, document, and article. An alternative to qualitative/relational case analysis is discourse analysis that involve making inference from verbal communication of actors or participant in a situation. Discourse analysis is however limited as it applies to verbal and media contents and actors such as politicians may communicate opinion different from their original intent. Moreover, the paucity of data in relation to verbal, audio and visual media content with source documentary evidence included may make this design less useful.

Historical research design is useful when attempting to reconstruct the past using available archival history. Historical analysis focussed on actor who belong to antiquities and are probably in extinction. Case analysis on the contrast is based on explaining, describing, and exploring actor role whether alive or not.  Ife-Modakeke crisis case study cannot be discussed without making reference to historical, anthropological and archaeologist antiquity based textual evidence and rhetoric’s. A suitable alternative to this design is the phenomenological – experiencing issues from actor point of view – and ethnographic – focus cultural and ethnic based data. The objective of the study does not however involve ethnic and cultural mapping nor allowed for replication of historical activities (since the actors may either be in extinction or inaccessible as at the time of this research. Studies on Ife-Modakeke crisis have adopted this approach in other to understand the evolution of the Ife-Modakeke crisis and have relied on textual case analysis to make inference – although survey design have been applied, must of the approach suffer from validity issues as they only look at perception of individual in Ife and Modakeke community which may have probably been bias with little or no historical evidence.

3.3       Area of Study

Source: Oyeniyi(2010, p. 321)

3.4       Population

The population of the study covers all inhabitant of Ile-Ife and Modakeke, the warlords or combatants, traditional rulers, peace committee members and others in distant or nearest past. More importantly, the women population of Ife and Modakeke form the main population of the studies in addition to population of peace committees.

3.4.1    Sample

The research used the criteria or filtering sampling techniques to select textual literature, books and article to be included for the purpose of the content analysis. As such qualitative based sample includes all third party articles and books on thematic area such as; history/ evolution of Ife and Old Oyo Empire i.e. the origin of Modakeke people as a Yoruba Community, Ife-Modakeke Crisis 1849-2000, Peace Efforts in Ife-Modakeke from 1836-2000, Role of women in Peace Building, Women participation in Peace building.

 

3.5       Sources and Instruments of Data Collection

Secondary source of data collection is exclusively used in this research. Prior literature, documents and historical records provide the sources for data used in critical interpretive, explanatory and exploratory analysis of Ife- Modakeke peace building initiative and the roles of women in the scheme of things. This data is collected through a desk research of various online databases for scholarly Journals such as; JStor database, Academia database, Google Scholar database and ProQuestOnline database, EBSCo-Host Discovery and Online database.Wiley Online Database and non-online article archived material located in University Library.

3.6       Method of Data Analysis

The study employed content analysis of available literature and authoritative document on the Ife- Modakeke crisis. The content analysis is useful when the instrument of data collection is basically textual records such as research article, thesis and books on the case been study.

3.6.1    Content Analysis

Content analysis enable this research to explore available documents and archival records on women involvement in Ife-Modakeke peace building initiative to describe the situation and explore the role played by women in pre and post peace building effort.There are various conceptualization of Content Analysis.  In its  more generic forms is defined as “a formal system for doing something we all do informally rather frequently—draw conclusions from observations of content(Stempel, 2003, p. 209)”.Content analysis is also viewed as the process of identifying important “relational and thematic message systematically and  objectively in text, verbal and visual messages”(Pennings, Keman, & Kleinnijenhuis, 2006, p. 58). Content analysis emphasizes more on the use of Verbal and Visual evidence but also use text especially in mainstream social science qualitative studies. Roberts, (1997); Popping, (2000) and Pennings et al.(2006, p. 58) also  identified the two basic types of content analysis as “thematic content analysis” and “relational content analysis”.  Thematic or quantitative Content Analysis attempt to trace themes in primary and secondary sources in terms of the frequency of occurrence of specific theme, issues, actors, word or ideas, state or affairs in visual as well as text being analyze.This research adopted a relational content analysis with that allow for drawing inference from text materials without necessarily generating a numerical value.

3.6.2    Qualitative/Relational Content Analysis

Relational Content Analysis on the other hand focus on evaluating,  critiquing and making inferences on the relationship between actors, issues, idea, theme, state of affairs, word, text that is been studied without generating a numerical value(Weber, 1990, p. 9). This approach is bifurcated. It is both qualitative content analysis through extensive literature review, and textual analysis with table illustrations. It is called the textual analysis, which is a standard in Social Sciences for studying the content of communication. It is defined as “the study of recorded human communications such as books, websites, paintings and laws” (Babbie, 1990).  Relational content analysisdeals with a critical analysis of some secondary data collected. The danger of content analysis however is that decoding human communication might be difficult which may lead to wrong inferences and by extension baseless value judgments in the analysis.  Hence cross-examination of evidence or facts from a pool of sources based on written literature becomes necessary to avoid this pitfall.

3.7       Justification

Instrument of data collection which involves document, literature database and archival records available on Ife- Modakeke crisis provide a more objective means of collecting data and limit the extent to which the researcher interest can interfere with the data collection process that is prevalent in most survey research design. For a single case study such as the one in this research, literature on Ife-Modakeke crisis provide rich sources of data collection where peace agreement documents or reports could not be assessed.

The method of data analysis which is relational, qualitative and logical case analysis provide a better option when the source secondary document cannot be assessed due to unavailability and the researchers have little control over the events. The approach attempt to evaluate the relation between actors and issues based on textual materials with the goal of making inference rather than providing numerical data.

3.8       Validity and Reliability

For the qualitative segment of the research i.e. content analysis validity issues are concerned with generalizability and correspondence(Weber, 1990).  Internal generalization is achieved with the use of qualitative design or content analysis techniques because, it relied on historical records of the events and the fact that qualitative approach often lay “claim to achieving internal generalization”(Flick & Uwe, 2007, p. 44).External generalization is not an issue because the study involves a single case study of Ife and Modakeke community. Correspondence as a validity measure for content analysis is concern with the relationship or “correspondence” between measures and the abstract concept it intends to measure(Weber, 1990, p. 18). In the present study absence of women is taken as non- inclusion of women in peaceful resolution decision making in the traditional setting, colonial interactive level and committee level. This approach take a practical means in establishing a link between the concept of women absence and how it is been measured.  Hence is correspondence is achieved.

Reliability issues for a qualitative issues focus on the extent to which stability (consistency of findings), reproducibility (third party validation) and accuracy is met(Krippendoff, 1980).  The research will achieve stability since inference are based on content analysis of existing literature on Ife- Modakeke crisis from 1836- 2000 and some historical evidence. With respect to reproducibility, the present research had already placed this research within strong feminism theoretical framework. Applying this framework is expected to produce similar findings to the one put forward by this research. Although, Weber (1990) claimed that the third test is rarely used, accuracy may have been achieved considering the fact that this studies relies on already established evidenced.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Chapter Four

Ife-Modakeke Peace Building Effort and Women Participation

4.1       Introduction

The central thesis of the research argued that gender equality by a way of women involvement in pre and post peace building initiative is more likely to provide a sustainable means of resolving inter-communal conflict between Ife and Modakeke. The chapter does not purport to argue against the role of other grassroots stakeholders such as traditional rulers, Non-governmental organisation, and government agency to mention but few. This research is predisposed towards exploring theoretically and normatively, the implication of women absence or inactive participation in Ife-Modakeke peace building initiative to sustainable peace in the two communities.  The chapter is subdivided into four main sections excluding the introduction. The chapter proceed (Sec. 4.2) by exploring existing peace building initiative from 1836-2000 in terms of memberships, terms of reference, resolution, recommendation and achievements where appropriate. Section 4.3 attempt a critique of the existing peace building initiative on Ife and Modakeke in terms of how sustainable and people oriented is the peace initiative while also investigating the extent of women participation in the peace building process so far. The implication of women absence is discussed as a sub- section (i.e. sec. 4.3.2). The final section – Discussion of Findings(sec. 4.4)enunciate logical inference deduced from a critical review of the previous section in line with the original research objective (See Chap. 1),  with the aim of situating the current research within the larger gender, feminist, peace and security scholarly literature.

4.2.      Peace Building Responses to Ife Modakeke Crisis

In Nigeria, state and civil society group has been actively involved in bringing about peace to a number of state and non-state (communal, intra/inter-ethnic, religious, fratricidal) armed conflict. For non-state armed conflict, the government at the federal and state often use the option of amnesty and judicial or reconciliation committee separately or together for sustainable peace making and peace building. Civil society institution such as; traditional rulers, indigenous stakeholders (e.g. council of chiefs, women and youth association), influential political image, religious leaders, non-government Organisation and the International government organisation e.g. USAID have also play an important role in bringing about a sustainable peace in west Africa(Gaya-Best, 2012a). Supernatural being (i.e. God Almighty) and “orisa- native Gods” are not left-out in an attempt to coerce warring parties to cease hostilities and embrace peace.

The Ife- Modakeke crisis due to its lingering and seemingly obdurate/stubborn nature since its inception in 1849 have attracted different approach to conflict resolution such as; individualist efforts by traditional rulers and political organisation e.g. the Odua people Congress, council of Obas or Chief’s, colonial interactive approach, state/federal government judicial /reconciliation committee based approach and Civil society integrative approach. To properly contextualize and appreciate the achievement of each ADR style or approach since 1836 and doused any contrary argument with regards to women exclusion and minority involvements in Ife- Modakeke peace building initiative which is central argument of this research.  A case analysis of peace effort since 1836 to 2001 is a useful analytical tool to exemplify the extent of women absence in Ife- Modakeke peace building initiative. Adapting Aja(2007)categorization of conflict resolution process in Nigeria, the research discusses Ife- Modakeke Peace building Effort under three outline or sub-heading with each having a mix of approaches or a single approaches and spanning across time period’s.The rhetoric disposito (i.e. arrangement) of the discussion is centred around; ADR approach, personalities involved (where applicable), terms of references i.e. claim and counter claim), findings, recommendations.

 

4.2.1    Pre Colonial Traditional/Individualist Peace Building Effort (1847-1902)

Prior to the escapade of the British protectorate to West Africa and more specifically Nigeria Benin River in 1553 and sequential to the “official British expedition to river Niger mystery bights of Benin and Biafrain 1830 and 1849 respectively (Aliagan, 2014, p. 19). Management of Public disturbance and violent protest in Yoruba land have been majorly controlled through the prerogative of the traditional rulers with limited use of interrogative consultative and committee based approach to peace building and peaceful resolution.Traditional rulers, council of chiefs are often saddle with responsibility of peace maintenance. The king’s palace is the highest court of arbitration that is flexible and favour expediency in discharging justice(Dokun-Oyeshola, 2005; Gaya-Best, 2012b; Onu, 2012, p. 89).

The first peace initiative, mimic amonarchical executive pronouncement made by “Ooni Adegunle – aka AbewelaGberengede (1836-1846)”[i]in 1836[ii](Elugbaju, 2018, p. 8).The pronouncement was necessitated due to animosityand profound acrimony that had building up nearly around the reign of “Ooni Akinmoyero/Akinmayere-alias Odunle bi ojo (Pre 1770 – 1800) ” and through to the time of Ooni Gbanlare or Gbamilare (1800-1823), Ooni Gbegbaaje and  Ooni Wunmonije or Winmolaje who all died as a result of their been sympathetic to the Modakeke’sfreedom and protection(Elugbaju, 2010. The Modakeke on their own were irritated by the nepotism, partiality and discrimination or unequal treatment of the Modakeke’semigrant in Ibadan under the leadership of “Chief Okunola” the Maye (a war veteran and generalissimo)of Ife origin. Ibadan was a new settlement created by joint Ife and Modakeke allied conquest of the “Owu” and “Egba” people prior to 1830. Modakeke borne of contention is that they should be treated equally with no preferential treatments accorded to the Ife’s residing in Ibadan. The tyranny of Okunola was repelled by expulsion/eviction of Ife’s from Ibadan (Okunola included) in 1835 never to be allowed to return. The Ife,s were unhappy with this treatment meted out to their citizen in Ibadan in addition to the death of Chief Okunola in the hand of the Modakeke,s. They Ife’s were unanimous in their interpretation of the situation as a loss of economic, military and political control of Ibadan. As Soyinka-Airewele(2003) pointed out the Ife see this act of Oyo refugees as “treasonable and patricidal” (Soyinka-Airewele, 2003, p. 284).Their aversive feelings towards the Modakeke in different Ife quarters stimulate ethnic bigotry and nationalistic identity among the Modakeke’s in Ile-Ife.  Oyeniyi(2010) explained that in attempt to bend the Oyo-refugees to be subjugated to their will to ensure food security and economic prosperity. The Ife landlord stated treating the Modakeke’s as “slave, sacrifice them to idols and generally treat them worse than a dog”,  According to Elugbaju(2018) this initial issues serve as the basis for which 1849 violent occur between Ife and Modakeke community. Available text report that Ooni Abewela (1836-1846) in his kind heartedroyal wit,order that the Modakeke people should be relocated to a temporary location where they can traced their origin(Elugbaju, 2016; Elugbaju, 2018).In addition, the peace move recommended that they should be allowed relocate to four quarters in Ife namely; “Iraye, under Obalaaye; Iwinrin, under Obawinrin; Ijugbe, under Obalejugbe and Oke-Awo, under Owa-Fegun” (Elugbaju, 2018; Op, Cit Elugbaju, 2018; Fabunmi, 1985, p. 20). Although, relocating Modakeke to new settlement help to obliterate any direct confrontation that may aggravate already build up tension. The refugees were somehow allowed to continue cultivating land offer to them by the Ife people. The failure of Ooni Abewela to restrict the Modakeke’s from farming on expanse of land own by the Ife arose suspicion from the Ife people who think their king is somewhat sympathetic to the Modakeke’s. Another factor is the proximity of the new settlement to Apesan market that grant the control of the market  to the Modakeke’s who monopolize the sale of military hardware and control the flow to ammunition to Ife. The segregation approach to conflict resolution achieve relative peace for about 12 years i.e. 1836-1848. As both albert (1999) and Elugbaju(2018) noted it was the segregation of Ife and Modakeke that provide the framework for the first crisis in 1849 and compound issues rather than solve them.

The Ife people were aggrieved with this situation and they conspire to eliminate Ooni Abewela. The conspiracy was effectively implemented and Abewela killed by poisoning in 1846. Immediately after Abewela death in 1846 (Oyeniyi, 2010), the Ife’s launch an assault on Modakeke in 1849 which they lost with many casualties.Another textual evidence have it that it was the “gbamugbamu war” between Ibadan and Ife that instigate the Modakeke to allied with Ibadan to ransack Ife in 1849(Johnson 1969: 238-242). Twelve thousand and seventy (12070) Ife’s were captured alive by the Modakeke’sand total destruction and looting of Ife city and their artefact followed immediately after the failed second assault (3 month after the first) on Modakeke town. In 1854 i.e. nearly 6 years after the desolation and evacuation of Ife, Chief Ogunmola otherwise refer to as Chief Ibikunle by Oyeniyi(2010, p. 319),  instituted the second known  traditional peace effort by appointing mediators to negotiate terms aimed at bringing the Ife back to their home. This peace effort made Ife and Modakeke a vassal state under Ibadan for at least 30 years (Elugbaju, 2018). Ogunmola peaceful resolution approach lasted for 25years i.e. 1854-1878 an assist in maintaining relative peace as a new military power house of Yoruba land.

The Ekitiparapo-Ibadan warled by “Ogedengbe Agbogunboro” between 1878-1893 which was also fought at Kiriji –from whence the “Kiriji War” nomencleature emanate provided opportunity for the Ife to break loose of Ibadan control and take possession of the Ondo trade route through an alliance with Ekitiparapo army in 1882(Adeniran, 2009).  According to textual evidence (Elugbaju, 2018), 1882 was also marred by kidnapping, and death of an Ife chief and this result into a very violent war.More specifically, the Modakeke once again allied with Ibadan to wage an offensive war against Ile-Ife as a response to the latter refusal to grant passage to Ibadan warrior to attack “osu” in Ilesha (Oladoyin, 2001, p. 209). The British government acting on the exhaustion by all parties to the internecine war intervene with 1886 Anglo Yoruba treaty (discussion delayed till subsequent section).  Implementing the 1886 Treaty “OoniSijuwade Adelekan Olubuse I(1895-1910)[iv]” in 1902 directed that all Modakeke should leave Ife for a new settlement lying between Osun and Oba river (Babade, 2015). Under the reigned of Ooni Olubuse this place was to be later known as “Ode Omu”(Elugbaju, 2018).  Just like the previous segregation attempt by Ooni Abewela, the move was viewed with suspicion from the Modakeke people as favouring the Ife people. Even though they reluctantly comply with Ooni directives initially, they however started returning in trickles prior to Ooni Olubuse’ death and were busy negotiating their return to Ife(Oladoyin, 2001, p. 210).

4.2.2    British Protectorate Interactive Brokered Peace Agreement in 1886 and 1922

Under the colonial administration the first peace building effort was initiated aftermath the Ekiti-Parapo war (i.e. con-federal state) led by “Ogedengbe Agbogunboro”  beginning from 1878 (Babarinsa, 2016, p. 12) . The Ekitiparapo war caused by an internal competition for the three old central trade route of Egba, Ijebu and Ondo  was compounded by involvement of Ife and Ibadan Kings in addition to the effect of Ife- Modakeke Crisis(Adeniran, 2009; Ojuade, 1992).  Cordial entente pervade this period with Modakeke decamping from Ekitiparapo side to join force with Ibadan and Ife’ remaining sympathetic to confederationof Ekiti people demand for Independence with the hope that they can get liberated from Ibadan. Relying on the “no victor no vanquish” status and exhaustion of the Ekitiparapo-Ibadan war, British government intervene in 1886 with an “Anglo Yoruba peace treaty”.The treaty aimed at enforcing ceasefire between all parties to Ekitiparapo conflict including the Ife and Modakeke. The treaty however failed in many font as it was unable to tame the Ekitiparapo war which lasted till 1893 halted only as a result of the British takeover of old central trade route in 1892. With respect to Ife-Modakeke conflict, the Modakeke’s leaders were reported to pull out of the 1886 treaty citing clause 5 (which suggest evacuation of Modakeke to a new expanse of land between Osun and Oba river) of the treaty,hasbeen ill conceived,inimical, unfair to the Modakeke’s existence(Olayiwola & Okorie, 2010).The treaty was however implemented in 1902 with little success as discussed in the preceding sections.

Prior to 1922, after the death of Ooni Olubuse (1895-1910) and during the reign of “Ooni Ademiluyi Ajagun (1910-1930), the British indirect native system of government that makes traditional rulers the native authority is already in place. After a number of move by the modakeke’s to return to Ife, opportunity finally beckon when Ooni Ademiluyicompetition against the Alaafin for tax earning, provide raison de tat for the modakeke’s to return to Ife in 1923 supported by a “new peace agreement signed on 26 November 1922” (Oladoyin, 2001, p. 217).  The peace agreement have as its focal point the inseparability of Modakeke from Ife and the restriction on the location plan and building architecture. This peace agreement holds sway as relative peace was witness from 1923-1946. (i.e. ~23years). Although scholars in Ife-Modakeke crisis believe that the 1922 colonial peace agreement which allow for the return of Modakeke in 1923 may have reversed the gain made so far by the 1886 peace treaty implemented in 1909.

4.2.3    Post-IndependencePeace Agreement (1946-2000)

Both traditional and colonial integrative approach to conflict resolution only achieve temporary peace with the highest peace period been around25 years (i.e. the Chief Ogunmola/Ibikule peace negotiation in 1854) and the closest been 23 years i.e. 1923 British brokered peace agreements.  In between 1946-2000, five major crises were recorded between the Ife and Modakeke community.  To each major crisis, several ADR approach is employed to ensure lasting peace.

The 1946-1949crises mark the third (3rd) major crisis accompanied by smaller crisis between the two communities. Here the term of reference is over the increase in the percentage payment to the Ife Landowners as “Isakole” or land tributefrom a token to 10% in a swift response to rise in price of Cocoa after the Second World War (Fatile & Awotokun, 2012; Oladoyin, 2001). The Modakeke construed this as exploitation, harassment and intimidation from their Ife landlord.  The land use decree of March 29, 1978promulgated by the Military head of state General Olusegun Obasanjo also made the Modakeke more resolute in theirdetermination to stop the payment of the land tribute which they perceived as exorbitant to their Ife Landlords.  Alongside the violent were a number of petition and legal battles.  Ooni Aderemi was petition by Modakeke Group in Lagos in 1946, the native court; Supreme Court and West African court arbitrate on the conflict with little success for the Modakeke.Ooni Aderemi approach to the conflict is to offer a new land to Modakeke where they can continue their farming activities without paying land tribute. This arrangement the Modakeke refused for whatsoever reason they are pursuing at that time. The government did not intervene during this crisis as the matter was treated as a private matter. Notwithstanding the violent crisis, record has it that between 1966-1980 i.e. 14 years duration there was a relative peace between Ife and Modakeke community(Oladoyin, 2001, p. 218).

A critical review of historical evidence, suggest that the April 14th 1981, may have been caused by Ooni Sijuwade Olubuse II remarks at his coronation or installation ceremony that “the name Modakeke should be extricated and that they Modakeke should henceforth be called “ Isale Ife” (Oladoyin, 2001, p. 211).  Honourable Justice Kayode Ibidapo Obe led committee was constituted by Governor Bola Ige to investigate the 1981 crisis and make recommendation. The recommendation uphold some landlord right of the Ife people and the status of Ooni while acknowledging the large size of Modakeke and condemned any attempt to subjugate the Modakeke through feudal arrangement. This peace effort failed because the Modakeke perceive it as not favouring them. Hence peace only lasted for a year after which another round of violent crisis was witness in 1983.

The 1983 crisis have its root in the claim for autonomy and self-governance by the Modakeke through the creation of a pan Modakeke local government – as Oranmiyan west Local government- initiated by Chief Omololu Olunloyo, the new governor of Oyo state, under the National Party of Nigeria (NPN). The creation of an all-inclusive local government for Modakeke people, however failed as the Military take-over of governance in Nigeria that brought in General Mohammed Buhari halted every move to create a new local government during this period. They were placed under an Ife ward dominated  “Oranmiyan Local government” (Fatile & Awotokun, 2012). The 1983, crisis which was due to creation of local government issues was settle amicably and voluntarily without any committee intervention due to the fear of the military government in power at that time i.e. Mohammed Buhari/Idiagbon and Babangida regime (Oladoyin, 2001).

Aware of the importance of creating a distinct local government for the Modakeke’s, with the aim of suppressing their demand for autonomy and self-governance. The military regimes of General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida created announce the creation of 147 new local governments on7thof May 1989,of which Ife North Local government was one of them. The Ife North local government consist of ward 1 to 14 in Modakeke, the Origbo and Oyere community with headquarters in Ipetumodu, Modakeke away from Enuwa in Ile-Ife (Oyeniyi, 2010, p. 320). This excite the Modakeke’s who see this as a manifestation of “dream of a promise land and an end to 150 years old war (1838-1989)”. (Akinboyewa, 1997). This dream was short-lived when the original headquarter of Ife North Local government in Ipetumodu was relocated back to “Oke-Igbo” or Enuwa in Ile-Ife[v]. Nearly all extant literature consulted on the Ife-Modakeke crisis agree that local government headquarter re-location imbroglio (i.e. from Ipetumodu to Oke-Igbo/Enuwa) constitute the “casus belli” of the 1997-1999 violence (Akanle, 2009; Elugbaju, 2016; Elugbaju, 2018; Fatile & Awotokun, 2012; Ige, 2000; Oladoyin, 2001; Oyeniyi, 2010).A number of peace efforts toward the 1997-1999 crises – including religious intervention – due to its short protracted nature was initiated at various level. The peace efforts includes; the royal committee on Ife Modakeke crisis set- up by Lt. Col. Obi in 1997, Queen Mojisola Sijuade religious intervention in 1997, Alex Akinyele Led national reconciliation Committee, Evangelist Obadare religious intervention in 1998, Lt. Col. Aduragbemi Theophilus Bamigboye led three parties Meeting in January 1999 andDr. Isaac Olawale Albert led USAID/OTI third party intervention 1999/2000(Oladoyin, 2001; Olayiwola & Okorie, 2010).The recommendation of the Royal committee in 1997 were not significantly different from the preceding committee set up in 1981 as emphasis were made on the status of Ooni as the sacred leader of Ife and Modakeke Baale’s (i.e. Head of a Modakeke clan or quarters) as his subject or subordinate. Modakeke was declared a quarter in Ife with no justification for self-governance or autonomy. The recommendation only differs in that it suggests that Ooni should negotiate with Ife farm owners to give concession or allowance to Modakeke farmers on issue of land tribute. The 1999 peace efforts led by Lt. Col. Aduragbemi Theophilus Bamigboye also follow previous precedent in terms of number of stakeholder’s involvements. Just like Alex Akinyele Led committee, the meeting involves leaders from the two communities and the military governors of the state. Once again the status of Modakeke as a quarter within Ile-Ife and the sacred position of Ooni as the paramount ruler were reiterated. Physical hostilities was reported to ceased for few month or so in 1999 till February 2000 as a result of the peace building efforts by Lt. Col. Aduragbemi Theophilus Bamigboye  and was adjudged the most effective peace efforts(Oladoyin, 2001).

Yet another third party peace building effort was initiated between 1999-2000 by a third party mediated intervention of United state Aid (USAID) and OTI- USAID/OTI under the leadership of Dr. Albert. These peace building effort takes a holistic approach more than previous effort by incorporating; media campaign activity; community training activity; and joint training on forgiveness, reconciliation and transformative leadership of the two communities with a formal inauguration of the Ife-Modakeke inter-community PeaceAdvocacy committee took place at Oduduwa Hall, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria on 16th September, 2000.The combinatory effect of Lt. Col. Aduragbemi Theophilus Bamigboye town hall peace meeting and third party intervention of USAID/OTI aids in bringing about relative peace that lasted for months.  Meanwhile, the root causes was not address which is the creation of local government borne out of need for self-determination and self-governance on the part of the Modakeke’s and the Ife drive for hierarchy and dominance of the Modakeke’s. 

The inability to meet the yearning of the Modakeke for a distinct local government led to resurgence of another round of violence in February 2000. No committee was set up to look into this issue but the federal government intervene. As pointed out by Akanle that; “the federal government improvising a compromise, announcing its intention to create an Area Office – a sort of sub-local government area for Modakeke” (Akanle, 2009). In yet another violence crisis, there was destruction of life and property on march3rd 2000 “ over a land ownership dispute” (Adebayo, 2000; Xinhua News, 2000). This prompt the visit of the President Olusegun Obasanjo to Osun state on March 23rd, 2000(Adeyemo, 2000). As part of the visit the President inaugurate a 27 Man peace mediator committee led by Archbishop of Oshogbo, “Mr. Leke Abegunrin/Obefurin(Akinyemi, 2000)consisting of 12 members from Ife, 7 from Modakeke  plus other 8 members -including Ex. Minister of External Affairs Professor Bolaji Akinyemi” (BBC Monitoring Africa, 2000a). The 27 man manage to arrange a ceasefire temporarily and submits its reports and recommendation forthwith.  Renew violent between  both parties on 10th and 11th April 2000 that was reported to have spread from Aba Alakowe to Aba Gada in Atakumosa Local Council of Ijesaland where at least 7 person were reported feared dead cast a dark shadow on the peace efforts(BBC Monitoring Africa, 2000b).The composition of the members also do not connote equality as the committee was dominated by Ife people going by the 12:7 ratio. Government initial response to 10th and 11th April  crisis was the arrest of 12 youth with small arms (guns and knives) on April  18th, 2000 (Faturoti, G. I. O., 2000:)

As if that was not enough, on the 5th of May 2000 another violent clashes was witness  and at least 12 precious lives was lost in this renewed violence(Bodunrin, 2000; Reporter, 2000a).  The police once again respond to the crisis by arresting a Modakeke leader Mr. Wale Fadare caught with “1,996 rounds of live cartridge on May 10th 2000” (Reporter, 2000b).  The Fasehun Faction of “Odua People Congress (OPC)” – a Pan Yoruba social group/ Militia Group-  were initially beckoned upon early in the year  as an investigative panel saddled with unravelling the root causes and the perpetrator of the protracted violence. The OPC wrapped up its studies and submit their findings and report to the Presidents Olusegun Obasanjo on May 23rd 2000 (Falodun, 2000). 

On May 30th 2000 there was a fresh hostility that result into loss of at least 10 lives (Faturoti, G. O., 2000). As a form of follow on the OPC reports and as swift response to the latest crisis,  President Olusegun Obasanjo latter that day summon Ooni of Ife, Oba Okunade Sijuade and the Ogunsua of Modakeke, Francis Adedoyin intoad-hoc consultative meeting aimed at finally ending the crisis in Abuja(Faturoti, G. O., 2000).  The outcome of the ad-hoc meeting beget the inauguration of a 16 members committee on Ife Modakeke crisis to be chaired by Commodore Olabode George, 5 member each from Ife and Modakeke and 5 member from Ife North Local Governments.(Reporter, 2000c) Unlike the previous memberships that favour Ife, the membership of the committee was equally distributed between Ife and Modakeke. The committee was also more effective as peace only return to Ife and Modakeke after Olabode George committee was constituted. This attest to the calmness and relative peace witness from June 2000 that year between Ife and Modakeke community, although this relative peace is accompanied by suspicion and surveillance by armed warrior of both sides(Ajayi, 2000; Reporter, 2000d). From excerpts of minute taking at a secret meeting between Ife and Modakeke in the presence of CommodoreOlabode George led committee. Four fact can be deduced from this minute as follows that;

  1. Ife east local government and Ife North local government was expected to be part of the six local government request submitted to Mbanefo Panel by Ife Community.
  2. Ife east local government was initially located at Enuwa in Ile-Ife
  3. The Modakeke requested Ife North East Local government and rather than granting them this local government. Three (3) Modakeke wards was moved from Ife North local government and added to Ife East local Governments.
  4. The military government order the relocation of Ife- east headquarters to Modakeke and the Official Gazette of the Federal governments also support Modakeke as the headquarters of Ife East local governments.

To reconcile this complicated issues the chairman advice that the Modakeke should forget getting Ife east local government to be relocated back to Modakeke. The chairman advised that their request for creation of a new ward will aid in creation of a new local government for the Modakeke.  As a way of finally resolving the local government imbroglio, Akanle(2009)noted that in 2002, a sub-local government office was established in Modakeke which as expected suppress the violent.

4.3       A Critique and Implication of Women Absence in Ife-Modakeke Peace Building

4.3.1    A Critique

Arguments for women involvement in peace building, rested majorly on the fact that women, children(Oguonu, 2012)and the elderly(Fajemilehin, Ayandiran, & Salami, 2007)are the most hit during any violent clash – be it communal, intra-state or inter-state conflict- even though a number of men are usually slaughter or maimed during violent clashes. Higher percentage of internally displaced person and refugees around the world are mostly women. Women are subjected to rape, molestation, sex slave, sexual harassment mostly during a war period(Atim, 2016, p. 52).More so, majority of the world population are women. Women are also less able to abscond scene of violent without aiming to save their children  for whom they are more responsible compared to men(Atim, 2016).The importance of women as victim, actors and an important segment of the society led credence to the question of whether effort made so far towards achieving peace in Ife-Modakeke is sustainable, inclusive and people oriented.

A cursory look at the traditional and colonial peace building approach to resolution of Ife Modakeke crisis 1836-1923 suggested that three peace resolution approaches is predominant i.e.Segregation/separation of warring parties, negotiation/Broker Deals on the basis of power relation and re-integration of once segregated parties. Segregation or separation of belligerent hardly solves the situation for a pluralized-nationalistic society with a mono-ethnical origin (Albert, 1999).  This is because segregation of parties from single ethnicity (Yoruba ethnicity) but different sub-ethnic grouping just as the case with Ife (Ile-Ife sub-ethnic unit) and Modakeke (Oyo sub-ethic unit) may restrict physical confrontation for a for short period. Meanwhile, the psychological effect of atrocity and injuries of committed during the crisis settles within homes of individuals affected during the crisis. Re-integrating parties originally, segregated also have little effect on peace building giving that the psychological damage of the violence to resident of the two communities is yet to be addressed. The other option adopted which involve high power negotiation by Chief Ibikunle in 1854 to return Ife back to their home in exchange for loss of sovereignty of the Ife people, was embedded with an act of dominance, hierarchy which according to structural equality theory is at the bane of violent conflicts. This explained why the Ife people were looking at every opportunity to break loose and annihilate the Modakeke.

Post-independence or post-colonial peace effort had also been tilted towards committee based interactive and consultative approach beginning from the 1981 crisis up until the last crisis in May 2000. Not less than six different committee with different composition and mandate have been set-up to enquire and recommend on the best solution to the crisis. Although their recommendation has contributed to the relative peace witness in recent time in Ife and Modakeke Community. The latest 16 member peace committee led by Commodore Olabode George on May 30, 2000, have done their best to bring peace to the two communities. The creation of a sub-local government office by the government had also contributed to the relative peace witness in Ife and Modakeke since 2002(Akanle, 2009).It is no gainsaying that none of the peace committee instituted by federal and state government is targeted at resolving the cold war, hatred, acrimony, suspicion that still pervades the two communities(Elugbaju, 2016; Olayiwola & Okorie, 2010). As noted byAsiyanbola(2007), there is tension and apprehension in the air as 34.4% and 22.1% of the respondent been sampled in a study conducted in the two community respectively, agreed that the conflict is not resolve and point out that they still expect crisis in the near future. Available evidence also point to the fact that disbanded Ifemilitant group are turning their antipathy towards strangersor other ethnic grouping e.g. the Hausa communities(Adebayo, 2017). There are also cases of inter-clan violence between Ipetumodu and Asipa town,both under Ife north local government in 2015 (Abimboye, 2015; All-Africa, 2014).

Overall peace building effort from 1836-1923 was only able to restore relative peace that is temporary, unsustainable, and more importantly less inclusive or people oriented. It is less inclusive or people oriented because it involves few elite as in the case of Ooni Abewela and Ooni Olubuse pronouncement probably after consultation with the chiefs or council of Oba’s including “Iyalode” –female political leader  and “Erelu”- the female Occult member and Judge (See Oluyemi-Kusa, 2012, p. 210 for Yoruba approach to gender Issues)  In the case of Chief Ibikunle in 1854, elite emissaries (war veteran, chiefs and generalismo) were sent to negotiate with Ife royal authority, chiefs, warlords that are involved in the crisis who are mostly men.  The British officers interactive peace moves in 1886 and 1923, focused on the actors in the crisis who are probably men and the royal elites. Women, youth and children representatives were not allowed to have say in the discussion.  As pointed out by Oguonu(2012, p. 347), a subdued and injured women means not allowed to put in their best – in peace building- that there will be problem for the community, society and the nation. This is because a marginalized woman will have negative influence on children on whom nation development depends. The argument can also be extended to the husbands who through marriage often undergo self-reflection and attempt to be a responsible husband in reaction to the wife influence.

Furthermore, exclusion of an important non- actors in the crisis who have greater influence on the men, youth and at the domestic level of the society is also observed. Women and female child plays a microcosm and minority role in post-independence peace initiatives from 1946-2000. This point is buttress in a field study conducted in 2006 in Ife and Modakeke community which found that 71.5% and 51.8% of the respondent sampled in the two communities clearly indicate that female child and women respectively are not allowed to take part in peace meeting (Asiyanbola, 2009, 2010). A pattern that is similitude to what is obtainable in most high profile civil war in less developed countries such as Rwanda, Philippines and West Timor to mention but a few (Atim, 2016, p. 52).   Soyinka-Airewele(2003) also corroborate Asiyanbola assertion that; attention in most peace process is usually focussed on actor that are directly involved in the crisis or those with stake in the crisis. Other social and domesticated actors with “social capital in conflict interregnums/ hiatuses”, who may also constitute an alternative power broker – e.g. women, academics – and often excluded(Soyinka-Airewele, 2003, p. 261).

As a proclivities, exclusion of women (children and youth inclusive) as a result of gender inequality that pervade the patriarchal African society may have aid in harbouring cold war (Asiyanbola, 2010), “crime incidence” and fear of insecurity (Badiora & Abegunde, 2015; Badiora & Omisore, 2013; Badiora, Popoola, & Fadoyin, 2014) This is because men dominated violence mostly affect the women, children  and probably the older generation. The main issue is that individual involve in the crisis are mostly men and young boys or the Youth who become “aggressive and disoriented” (Akanle, 2009; Elugbaju, 2016). This youth and men who act as the conscience of Ife and Modakeke community originated from a home with mothers and wife. As such, the activities of this men and boys may have been curtailed if women or mothers are involved in every stage of the peace process.  Moreover, the important role of women as a mother and wife in moderating the aggressiveness of the militant men/husbands through a series of warning, blockade and protest combined with their role of giving proper home training for miscreant involves in the crisis (who probably is their son’s at a certain period) cannot be over emphasized. Strong evidence are available on how women have been used to bring about peaceful co-existence (See Alao, 2008; Atim, 2016).   Gender role and relations where there is structural equality between men and women and men act less dominating, hierarchically and oppressively in relation to women should aid in the achievement of sustainable peace in Ife and Modakeke community.

4.3.2    Implication of Women Absence/Minority role in Peace Building

This section focus on investigating the effect or impact of women absence in Ife-Modakeke crisis. More precisely, it tends to answer the question of;what other gain/loss is associated with women inclusion/exclusion in Ife-Modakeke peace building process. In other to better provide plausible answers, the discussion is group under three conflict cycle or stages namely; Latent or Pre conflict stage, Crisis stage and Post-Crisis stage. Women are known to be creative, innovative when attempting to achieving peace employing different strategies such as going unclad, protesting, forming demarcation between parties etc. (Alao, 2008; Atim, 2016).

The latent stage of violent conflict coincides with the emerging and escalation stage(Dokun-Oyeshola, 2005, p. 114) or pre-conflict and confrontational stages(Okolie, 2012, p. 68). At this stage there are incompatible goals, eroded relationship, conflict manifestation and large scale awareness of the problem at hand but the conflict is not yet severe or become full blown crisis. Hence there is still opportunity to avoid violent eruption.  An approach suggested to aid in conflict management is the structural prevention that helps in monitoring conflict and identifying early warning signals and indicators and developing appropriate long terms measure. The current early warning indicators mostly adopted by early warning practitioner focus on social changes that affect men. As rightly clarified by Mutunga,involving women opinion in peace building initiative provide opportunities for incorporating “gender based indicators such as;  prostitution index, domestic violence against women index – observed prior to Ethiopia-Eritrea conflicts, media scapegoating of women, women refugees migration, female headed house holdindex, hyper masculinity focussed propaganda”(Ludi, 1999; Mutunga, 2012; Schmeidi & Lopez, 2002).  In the word of Schmeidi(1999) opinion cited inMutunga(2012, p. 371), “modelling and analysing early warning can only be improved upon if gender based perspective with respect to women are incorporated or included”. Apart from gender based early warning indicators that are available when women aspect are incorporated, women have also been reported to prevent their husband, son’s and male relatives  in taking part in war or violent. One good example is the effort of Uganda women who persuade while at the same “prevent their husbands, sons and male relatives from participating in war”(Atim, 2016, p. 51). Among the values cherished and taught by mother in African tradition are patience, tolerance, honesty, respect for elders, communality and mutuality, compassion, regard for due discretion, gentleness, modesty, self-control, moderation, flexibility, and open-mindedness(Alao, 2008, p. 12).All this benefit accruing to women participation in IM crisis was conspicuously missing because women perspective and physical participation were not giving serious thought.

The crisis stage is that period when the violent has become severe and there is an outright war or violent. At this point little could be done to prevent the conflict, rather management of the conflict to reduce the intensity and damages caused become inevitable. During crisis stage women are so important in helping to halt already severe violence, take care of the sick and  injured during the war, take up the roles of men’s who are either in combat or are dead and serve as a carrier of peace information to parties in the battle field. The importance of women acting in different capacity during the war or crisis is captured in the following example presented by various scholars in peace and feminist literature. Garasu (2006) cited in Atim(2016, p. 51)report that; “Bougainvillea society, mothers went into the bush to attempt to bring out their sons home and prevent them from fighting”. Bougainville women also went into the jungle to negotiate with the local faction”. Uganda Gulu District Women Development Council as a way of demonstrating an end to war wears rags and sang funeral song to attract attention from the warring parties. The Sierra Leon Women Movement for Peace (SLWMP) peaceful demonstration in 1995 with the inscription “try peace to end this senseless war” was irresistible and as a consequent this led to a peaceful negotiation between government and the rebels(Jusu-Sherrif, 2000).The Sudan women who withheld sex from their men,  protest publicly unclad  while making sure the family is knitted together  is a another good example of what may be missing with women exclusion from peace process (Gardners & El-Bushra, 2006). Others are the Cambodia women, Somalia women and others.

The post conflict stage is that time when both belligerent in a crisis is exhausted and desire a ceasefire. Excluding women in peace building initiative during this cycle means that  portion of the society  significant segment of the society that is most hit in form sexual harassment, rape, discrimination, death and sex slave  are been marginalized. The male peace negotiator involves in peace building lack the requisite knowledge to understand the priority of women, help in managing abuse to women and female child (Oguonu, 2012).Oluyemi-Kusa(2012, p. 205) also argued that when women are excluded from post conflict peace initiative , the talents, strategies, skills, creativity and insights  that would have been otherwise accompanied would absolute be lost. Additionally, any peace initiative that exclude women and failed to be gender sensitive will tend to be unsustainable( See Atim, 2016; Mutunga, 2012). Garasu (2006) cited inAtim(2016)state that “the women’s association was the only source of emergency assistance and became the backbone of development and peace building initiatives in Bougavalliem.Sudanese women are reported to worked very hard to keep their families and communities together  after conflicts(Anneltto, 2006). Baechler(2010);McGhie and Wamai(2011) cited in Atim(2016, p. 62)conclude that “not involving women right from the process of negotiation will result to futile attempts and waste of resources and precious time during which lives continue to be devastated, because evidence abound to show that within the African region, women are largely responsible for the implementation of many peace agreements”. TheNMFA(2006),also argues that women provide information and perspectives that men are not aware of, or choose not to focus on. It further stated that the involvement of women in the negotiations increases. Women have a great ability to work across socio-political divide. This is an extremely valuable asset due to the fact that most conflict involves a lot of multiple interests and differences, and this quality greatly helps in achieving a sustainable resolution(Kathmandu, 2010).

4.3       Discussion of Findings

The Ife- Modakeke crisis since its inception in 1849 is protracted and intractable since it still continues to occur- the latest in 2015 between Ipetumodu and Asipa Town- despite a number of peace committee constituted by governments.  In line with the research question and objectives, the following discussion are put forward;

4.3.1    What are the peace efforts initiated to-date on Ife- Modakeke

Based on extant review of literature, at least Seventeen (17) peace efforts have been initiated since 1836 – 2000. The peace efforts have been initiated with the hope of bringing about peaceful resolution of the age long violent, bitterness and rivalries between the two communities.  Each peace effort in the 17, is based textual evidence provided by Oyeniyi(2010); Fatile and Awotokun(2012); Oladoyin(2001) and Elugbaju(2016) and Elugbaju(2018).

4.3.2    Extent of women participation in Ife-Modakeke Peace Building Initiative?

With respect to the inclusion or absence of women in Ife Modakeke peace building process, the current research found that although women may not be said to be left completely from the peace building initiative giving the African endogenous approaches to gender issues argument put forward byOluyemi-Kusa(2012) . This is because the Yoruba council of chiefs often include the “Iyalode” and “Erelu” who may have been consulted by the late Ooni Abewela and Ooni Olubuse as a member of the oba’s council or council of chiefs. Although this role are restricted to very few women leaders, colonial and post-colonial peace effort have conspicuously give women lesser role.Hence there is little or no women involvement in peace building effort since 1836 to year 2000. This finding is consistent with moderate intention to allowed women to participate in peace meeting at 51.8% observed in a survey of respondent from Ife and Modakeke by Asiyanbola; Asiyanbola(2009, 2010). The position maintain in this study with respect to involvements of non-actors e.g. women and children is also supported by Soyinka-Airewele(2003) who assert that alternative power broker within the society are excluded and focussed in usually on those that are directly involve or have a stake in the crisis.

4.3.3    Sustainability of Existing Ife-Modakeke Peace Building Efforts

The current study found that the existing peace building effort has managed to curtail or reduce the intensity of physical confrontation and combat between the warring parties temporarily as no violent crisis was reported from June 2000 to 2013. A resurgence of hostilities in 2015 between the Ife town of Asipa and Modakeke town of Ipetumodu in 2015 on the one hand and the Ife and Hausa community clash on the other hand in 2014 cast shadow on the success made so far and suggest that crisis may not have been resolve. The psychological effect of the crisis in terms of scars and injuries are still feasible in the mind of actors and non-actors in various Ife and Modakeke homes. This finding is corroborated byAsiyanbola(2007) and Olayiwola and Okorie(2010) prediction that cold war exist within the rank of Ife and Modakeke community and that most people still expect the conflict to flare up expect. The current study also found support for the use of alternative approach such as integrated education, ethnic attachmentinvolvement of traditional institutions and grassroots mobilization (Elugbaju, 2016; Ogbeide & Olatunji, 2014; Olayiwola & Okorie, 2010). The findings of Akanle(2009) that the peace effort may have led to the resolution of the conflict is nonetheless supported in this research has resurgence of intra-communal and intra-ethnic within Ife and Modakeke town and Hausa community in 2014 and 2015 suggest that the violent  is far from over. In addition perception of crime, fear and insecurity still remain high in the community (See Badiora et al., 2014; Badiora & Abegunde, 2015).

4.3.4    Barrier to Women Participation in Ife- Modakeke peace building

Three important barriers that have a direct bearing on low participation of women in Ife Modakeke crisis are found. They are; Men dominated culture, Religious practice and resource constraint e.g. finance and time. Just like any West Africa and Yoruba nation, the culture of IM communities, favour men as the political leaders with little women participation. Major political offices are occupied by men. Alternative dispute resolution (ADR) method is Africa or Nigeria is dominated by elderly men with very few women e.g. the erelu and Iyalode. Similarly, women are relegated to be in charge of taking care of the children and other domestic shores (Atim, 2016).  Traditional religion, Islam and Christianity all required that women should be subordinated to Men (Dokun-Oyeshola, 2005). Atim(2016, p. 51)  citing world bank (2005) opinion also noted that Nigeria is a patriarchal society where men have a domineering control over women in aspect fertility i.e. the number of children decision and power relation. Ife and Modakeke are typical Nigeria community of Yoruba Origin.  Women no matter how educated are view as belonging to the kitchen. Women do not have a say in political activities of the country, although this aspect is gradually fading out with rapid education and awareness creation. More still need to be done in respect of women participation in peace building efforts.

4.3.5    What is the implication of women Absence in peace building?

Regarding the effect of women absence in Ife-Modakeke peace building initiative. This research found that a sustainable and people oriented peace initiative is not achievable, since attention is focussed on the few elite and active actors in the crisis. A focus on actors alone will only lead to a temporary, unsustainable as can be seen with the Ife- Modakeke crisis. The longest peace period enjoyed was 25 years brokered by Chief Ogunmola/ Ibikunle – an Ibadan Chief- in 1854. No other peace initiatives have come close to this benchmark since the start of the peace process in 1836 until year 2000.  The position is supported by Schmeidi(1999) arguments that excluding gender issues from early warning modelling and analysis affect the efficacy of structural management of conflict at the emergence circle. Soyinka-Airewele(2003) also noted that attention on Ife-Modakeke peaceful resolution is often focussed on those that are directly involve or have a stake in the conflict neglecting the role of other power brokers who may be actors, victim in the violence.Oluyemi-Kusa(2012) study also provide support to the fact that any peace effort that is not gender sensitive cannot be said to be people oriented. As such peace effort is not sustainable. See also Baechler (2010); McGhie and Wamai (2011) argument for wastage of effort when women are not included.

Another important discovery is that’ excluding women, means allowing men’s dominance, arrogance, oppressive behaviours hierarchical nature and greed to permeate the peace process. The findings corroborate Oyeniyi(2010) suggestion adopting the CH model that the economic gain and opportunity to organize and finance rebellion is the bane of the crisis and not necessarily political and social grievance. The arrest of a Modakeke  leader and probably a representative in the peace process “1,996 rounds of live cartridge on May 10th 2000” (Reporter, 2000b)support the aggressive, oppressive nature of men masculine gender role peace negotiation table. Although women may not be said to be entirely rebellion free, their pacifists’ nature and role as a mother nonetheless should be preferred to that of men.

The research also observed that when women are subdued,through a men dominated peace process, culture and society. The development of the nation will suffer because such women will not be able to nurture, monitor, educate and train their son’s and daughter to be law abiding and less aggressive. As the arguments from biological determinismtheory suggest children is influence by the environment they lived in. These children grow to become violentadult youth and husbands. This line of argument is clearly the bane of Ife-Modakeke crisis because the Modakeke are less educated as compared to their Ife counterpart (Oyeniyi, 2010). Those perpetrating the crisis are those that comes from troubled or broken homes and are not taught “tolerance, perseverance, gentleness, compassion, mutuality cooperation and above all patience that is often the hallmark of an African women and mothers(Alao, 2008).Society with higher domestic, societal and armed violence can never develop. This observation is line with Oguonu(2012) normative argument on the important role of women in peace building as grassroots mobilizer.

More, importantly, the study also found that the specialized and well-articulated strategy, creativity, sophistication initiative and insight often associated with women involvement in peace building will be unavailable. Women ability to unite across ethnic divide based on their cross cultural believe and mobilize a protest against parties in conflict was due to their joint believe for a peaceful and safer society, where children future is assured may also be missing in the IM conflict. This was evident in Somali and Sudan peace process where women across the five clan are include as the sixth clan with one voice and given permanent role as observer (Mutunga, 2012, pp. 375–378).Women foresightedness, ability to carry peace information across ethnic divide, mythical power to halt hostilities by visiting violent location was not an option to the Ife-Modakeke.This is the case with Somali unmarried women called Heerin, elderly women in Central African republic and the magne – mother of twins- in Bamileke cameorun (Alao, 2008, p. 14).Women ability to mobilize peaceful protest is evident in the extent that the Sudanese woman  decide to go natural or unclad for rebel group and government to come to negotiation table, or the the Uganda Gulu wearing of rag to force peace(See Atim, 2016). Sudanese Women also denied their husband sexual desire and restraining their son’s, husbands and male relative from engaging in the conflict. The Bougavalliem women daring move to visit war front to prevent or forestall their son’s  and husband from taking part in the war is also a good example of women dexterity and determination in achieving peace.

Finally, the study found that women absence from peace building means their priority are not been considered in any post conflict reconciliation moves. Women and children as noted in previous section are the most affected by violent act of men in form of increase in rape victim, sexual harassment, injuries, traumatic experience. Women understand how to deal with abuse cause to women in the society than their men counterpart (Oguonu, 2012).Women involvement in peace negotiation and peace building process also assured that their voice is heard and that their needs is considered aftermath the cessation of hostilities.

 

 

Chapter Five

Summary, Conclusion and Recommendations

5.1       Summary

From the discussion of finding it is evident that not less than seventeen (17) peace building initiative have been employed from 1836-2000. This peace effort consist of traditional alternative dispute resolution, judicial court of arbitration, segregation of warring parties, re-integration, and committee based consultative approach, and power relation based negotiation and actors or stakeholders focussed interactive approach to peaceful resolution.In all of these, women playa minority role in all the seventeen (17) peace effort reviewed since 1836. The only case of women active involvements is the religious dimension to crisis, initiated by Olori (Queen) Mojisola Sijuade 1997 declaration of seven (7) days fasting and prayer programme to seek divine intervention to the crisis and possible inclusion of Iyalode and Erelu in the Traditional ADR.  Apart from this noble act by the queen no significant involvement of women is recorded by extant textual literature nor do any of the committee give significant role to woman.

Culture, religion, financial constraint, gender role perception in terms of masculinity and feminist equality  among other numerous factors which may probably serve as a barrier against active women involvement/participation in Ife Modakeke peace building initiative. Consequently, sustainable peace that is people and development oriented haseluded Ife and Modakeke community despise progress made toward resolving the century long, protracted conflict that is yet to abate. The communities are in cold war and the scars of the war are yet to be fully healed. In other to achieve lasting and sustainable peace that is people oriented women are required as important partners due to their special manoeuvring and canning skills, strategies and reluctance to the use of force. The importance of mothering role in educating and training their children, coupled with the influence they exerted on their children cannot be over- emphasized

5.2       Conclusion

The study objective is to investigate the implication of women absence in Ife-Modakeke peace building and peace resolution of Ife-Modakeke Crisis based on relational content analysis of existing literature on Ife and Modakeke and historical archives.

The patriarchal nature of Nigerian and Yoruba society where men still subordinate or relegate women to taking care of household and the children is responsible for the seemingly, protracted and intractable nature of Ife-Modakeke crisis.  Where women right to self-determination and participation in peaceful resolution is constrained by finance, unequal wealth distribution, culture, norms, religion and gender violence’s achieving sustainable peace will be herculean task given the role of mothers and wife’s at home.  

The study conclude that no matter the number and dynamism in Ife- Modakeke peace building initiative, failure to include important power brokers such as women who are either actor or victim in the crisis means that the peace effort has already failed before it begins(Baechler, 2010; McGhie & Wamai, 2011). Every peace building initiatives must pay attention to addressing the psychological as well as the physical components of the conflict by following an all-inclusive peace process. Gender sensitivity is a critical part in preventing conflict at their latent stage, before they escalate. Once conflict escalate, the unifying power of women that transcend ethnic boundary is required to bring about lasting peace when other effort has failed.

5.3       Recommendation

Based on the findings above, the research recommends that;

  1. More holistic and integrated peace talks and peace committee is needed to find a sustainable solution to the century long Ife- Modakeke crisis.
  2. There should an attempt to do things more differently this time around to focus on the individual household where cold war and the scars of the conflict reside rather than involving only those with stake or are direct actors in the conflict. An holistic approach that involves actor in the conflict andother power brokers such women peace movements and groups, youth organisation, academicians, traditional ruler and other member of the civil societyshould be actively involved in Ife-Modakeke peace process. Education of girl child and integrated education is also an important aspect that must be integrated into future peace process.
  3. Since women representation in peace building effort in Modakeke is minimal and non-significant. Future peace building initiative on Ife-Modakeke crisis should allocate important role and allow for significant representation of women at every stages of the crisis- probably in form of a quota – as this was discover to be the main reason why the existing peace effort has failed to achieve the needed peace. This is because the war is now more psychological than physical. It is the psychological effect accumulation that later manifest in form physical confrontation. The UN resolution 1325 and other declaration on women anti-war movement should be giving formal legal backing in Nigeria and women inclusion make mandatory in any peace process in Nigeria.Awareness and sensitization programme should be created informing Ife- Modakeke women on their role as a peace protagonist and ambassador in the community. The awareness should be accompanied with training of women on mediation and negotiation skills needed to bring the century long protracted and intractable violent to an end.
  4. Efforts should be directed at removing cultural and religious stumbling obstruction that is side-lined woman to the home. Women should be sensitized that even though their primary role is to their family, they should know that they have ambassadorial duty to assist in bringing about peace in their various communities by working together across ethnic divide to force men to embrace peace. Cultural and religious stigmatization against women involvement in peace building efforts should be eradicated by appropriate law that punish offenders. A trust fund should be established to empower women with entrepreneurial skills and provide funding for activities they may want to engage to bring peace to Ife and Modakeke.
  5. Due to the fact the effect of women marginalization and absence in peace process lead to failed peace process in Ife and Modakeke crisis and does not allow for a sustainable and people oriented peace building. Women should beallowed to make use of their special peace resolution skills. A brainstorming session should be encourage among women organisation to encourage idea generation. Gender expert and Non-governmental organisation (NGO.s) including international government organisation should also provide technical support to woman on how best they can achieve their goal. Women should be allowed as neutral observer and permanent member of any peace building initiative in Ife-Modakeke crisis. Educated on how to apply their initiative as their effort has been shown to be bring about sustainable peace in Somalia, Sudan, Uganda and Democratic Republic of Congo on possible strategies they can adopted. Women should be encourage to joined and championed peace movements that will provide a vibrant sources of recruiting young women and female child

5.4.      Main Contribution of the Study

This study contribute to existing literature on Ife Modakeke crisis by being the first known expansive review of existing literature on peace building effort on Ife Modakeke crisis covering a century i.e. first known review of  peace effort from 1836 -2000. 

This research also contribute to existing literature on peace building and peaceful resolution in Nigeria and Ife-Modakeke researchers by taking a divergent view on the alternative approach (deep rooted in feminist orientation) to peace building in addition to the role of the state, traditional ruler, integrated education and grassroots involvements (Block, 2013; Elugbaju, 2016; Kennedy, 2011; Olayiwola & Okorie, 2010). The research provides a normative and less descriptive body of knowledge a variety peace initiative and the implication of women absence in such peace initiative.The study extend the feminist perspective to peace building at international or inter-state level to communal, intra-ethnic or intra-state conflicts.

The findings of the study have important implication for existing and potential peace process in Ife- Modakeke and government policy by reiterating/ reinforcing the important of the call for protection of women right, affirmative action for women, and women participation in peace building and negotiation as well as providing a body of normative or descriptive reference,Supporting women participation in peace building in Nigeria.

5.5       Limitation and Suggestion for Future Research

Limitation of a research point out weakness in the research design, scope, method of data collection and analytical techniques and how the study can be improved upon. The current research focussed its beam light on Ife-Modakeke crisis with the aimed of identifying the peace building effort from 1836 till 2000. This means that any peace effort after year 2000 is not covered by this study. This however does not cast a shadow on this study as the period considered is long enough appreciate variety of effort made so far?Moreover, this research will provide a basis for future researcher that are interested in investigating the extent of women involvement in Ife-Modakeke peace building initiative from the feminist  or gender perspective. Additionally periods beyond 2000 are a promising area which the researcher or any interested parties may pursue further.

The current study also restricted itself to secondary methods of data collection focussing exclusively on textual documents such as articles, edited books and historical records. There are archival data available on the Upsala Database programme and a number of other sources which can be used to provide empirical support for the women inclusion in peace process. This is a much more interesting area that the author is interested in pursuing in future. The importance of empirical evidence is that a well-grounded scientific basis for women involvement will not only be based on normative or descriptive evidence alone but on factual and statistically tested evidence.

A third limitation is that only secondary sources are adopted for the study. Methodological triangulation or data triangulation as a form of mixed research approach will provide more validity for studies on Ife- Modakeke crisis. For example source document such as peace agreement, peace committee report were unavailable or in-accessible as at the time of compiling the research. Quantitative/thematic content analysis of source document if available would have help to provide first hand validity and additional insight for the research.

Read more about literature review, problem statement, research methodology, journal publication, project writing guideline.

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This dating is based on Oyeniyi(2006, p. 723) op. cit. in Oyeniyi(2010, p. 319).  No alternative dating presented by historical article consulted.

An alternative and most often cited date is 1847 { See Fatile and Awotokun(2012); Olayiwola and Okorie(2010, p. 958); Elugbaju(2016, p. 8)}, although less cited is 1840 {See Albert(1999, p. 145) op. cit. in Olayiwola and Okorie(2010, p. 956)}.  The choice of 1836 is also supported by Elugbaju(2018, p. 8) who noted that upon the ascension of throne by Ooni Abewela, the Ife request the Oyo Refugees to be sent out of Ife. This request he honour by ordering relocation of the refugees to a temporary settlements.

Oyeniyi(2010, p. 318) report that five Ife Kings were murdered for alleged sympathy shown to the Modakeke people. They are; Ogboru, Gbanlare, Winmonije s’Ogun and Gbegbaaje .  Gbanlare, Winmonije and Gbegbaaje are corroborated by Elugbaju(2018, p. 8).

Ooni Derin Ologbenla was the ruler during the Ekiti-parapo war of 1878 and this war lasted until 1893 (Adeniran, 2009). Textual evidence also suggest that Ife was desolate until 1894 (Akinjogbin, 1992). Probably there may be no visible Ooni on ground until 1894/1895.

Alternatively,  a News Agency report indicate that the Feud erupt in September 8th, 1997 over location of the proposed Ife East Local government area (Oyo, 1997)

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